domenica 11 dicembre 2016

Trump expected to pick ExxonMobil chief Rex Tillerson as his secretary of state

ExxonMobil chief Rex Tillerson
President-elect Donald Trump is expected to name as his secretary of state Rex Tillerson, the chief executive of ExxonMobil, who has worked extensively around the globe and built relationships with such leaders as Russian President Vladi­mir Putin, three people close to the transition team confirmed Saturday.
Tillerson’s nomination could face intense scrutiny in the Senate, considering his years of work in Russia and the Middle East on behalf of the multinational petroleum company. Already, two leading Republican hawks, Sens. John McCain (Ariz.) and Lindsey O. Graham (S.C.), have voiced concerns about Tillerson’s serving as the nation’s top diplomat because of his ties to Putin.
Trump spokesman Jason Miller said Saturday that there would be no official announcement about a secretary of state until this coming week “at the earliest.”
But three officials briefed on Trump’s deliberations, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the matter, said the pick would be Tillerson, barring a late and unanticipated shift in Trump’s thinking. NBC News first reported that Trump has settled on Tillerson.
Trump is considering nominating for deputy secretary of state John R. Bolton, a former ambassador to the United Nations and a combative hawk whose tenure in the George W. Bush administration was controversial, two of the officials said.
rump spent a month deliberating over the secretary of state position and interviewed an array of candidates, including Mitt Romney, the 2012 GOP presidential nominee, who was opposed by some of Trump’s closest advisers because he had been the face of the Republican resistance to Trump’s presidential candidacy. Other contenders included former New York mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani and Bob Corker (R-Tenn.), chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
The search at times resembled Trump’s reality TV show, “The Apprentice,” with the hopefuls parading before journalists — and, in the case of Giuliani, publicly campaigning for the job before announcing Friday that he had withdrawn from consideration.
Tillerson’s stock rose late in the process, after he met with the president-elect on Tuesday and again on Saturday morning at Trump Tower in New York. Trump settled on Tillerson, 64, because he projects gravitas, is regarded as a skillful manager and personally knows many foreign leaders through his dealings on behalf of the energy giant, people close to Trump said.
In an excerpt of an interview with Fox News, which will be aired in full Sunday, Trump praises Tillerson, although he does not reveal his decision.
“He’s much more than a business executive; he’s a world-class player,” Trump says. “He knows many of the players, and he knows them well. He does massive deals in Russia — for the company, not for himself.”
Tillerson’s nomination would fit the pattern of other Trump selections — wealthy business leaders with little experience in policymaking. But Tillerson has spent years dealing with the complexities of one of the world’s biggest enterprises, spanning six continents and about six dozen nations.
The company’s deep ties to Russia would potentially serve Tillerson well, given Trump’s desire to repair relations with the Kremlin. But Tillerson’s close ties to Putin could also become a flash point during confirmation hearings, especially in light of a recent CIA assessment that Russia intervened in the 2016 election to help Trump win the presidency, rather than just to undermine confidence in the U.S. electoral system.
“Few corporate titans are closer to Putin than Tillerson,” said Jason Bordoff, founder of Columbia University’s center for global energy. “So his pick, along with Trump’s campaign rhetoric, would suggest a sharp shift in U.S. policy toward Russia.”
McCain told Fox News on Saturday that Tillerson’s relationship with Putin “is a matter of concern to me.”
“You want to give the president of the United States the benefit of the doubt because the people have spoken,” McCain said. “But Vladi­mir Putin is a thug, a bully and a murderer, and anybody else who describes him as anything else is lying.”
In the 1990s, Tillerson oversaw an Exxon project on Russia’s Sakhalin island and developed a working relationship with Putin. In 2011, Exxon signed an agreement with the state-controlled oil company, Rosneft, to work jointly on oil exploration and development in the Arctic and Siberia.
After inking the deal in New York, Tillerson and Rosneft chairman and Putin confidant Igor Sechin dined on caviar at the luxury Manhattan restaurant Per Se, according to one account. The next day, they gave oil analysts black pens with the date of the agreement engraved in gold.
Two years later, the Kremlin awarded Tillerson the Order of Friendship, an honor reserved for foreigners.
“I don’t know the man much at all, but let’s put it this way: If you received an award from the Kremlin, [an] Order of Friendship, then we’re gonna have some talkin’,” Graham said. “We’ll have some questions. I don’t want to prejudge the guy, but that’s a bit unnerving.”
Exxon discovered oil in a well it drilled in the Kara Sea, but the joint partnership was put on ice after Russian intervention in Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea led to international economic sanctions.
As secretary of state, Tillerson, who has been critical of the sanctions, would be in a position to argue for easing them, which could allow Exxon to resume operations. And for a company the size of Exxon, few countries outside of Russia hold sufficient potential to bolster the oil giant’s reserves. In addition to the Arctic, Exxon wants to drill in the deep waters of the Black Sea and search for shale oil in West Siberia. In each case, the company would be providing expertise and technology that Russia lacks.
“Russia is critical for Exxon,” said Fadel Gheit, an oil analyst for Oppenheimer & Co.
Robert McNally, president of the consulting firm Rapidan Group and a director for energy on President George W. Bush’s national security council, said, “The closest thing we have to a secretary of state outside government is the CEO of Exxon.”
Tillerson has spent his entire career at ExxonMobil, joining the company in 1975 with a degree in civil engineering. His career has taken him from Oklahoma and Texas to Yemen and Russia, and as ExxonMobil’s top executive, he has cultivated relationships, meeting regularly with world leaders such as Putin, the Saudi oil minister, and the emir of Qatar. He will retire with a nest egg of about $300 million, including stock options and pension benefits.
Yet Tillerson’s track record — during a decade in which crude oil prices lurched from less than $30 to nearly $150 a barrel — has been mixed. The company has managed some of the world’s biggest infrastructure projects, often in forbidding locations, but it has spent heavily on share buybacks and has borrowed heavily to maintain both capital spending and dividend payments.
Wall Street analysts say ExxonMobil overpaid for XTO Energy, a domestic shale gas company, and it has failed to meet the production targets Tillerson himself set. In April, Standard & Poor’s downgraded the company’s gold-plated triple-A credit rating to double-A plus, the first time Exxon had lost its triple-A rating since the advent of color television.
Tillerson’s nomination is likely to draw strong opposition from environmentalists. The secretary of state takes the lead in international climate talks, meaning that Tillerson could play a role in unwinding U.S. commitments under the recent Paris accord.
Environmental groups allege that ExxonMobil’s scientists knew about the impact the use of fossil fuels was having on climate change, and that the company suppressed internal research instead of sharing it with investors and the public.
The New York and Massachusetts attorneys general have issued broad subpoenas to ascertain whether ExxonMobil’s failure to disclose that information violated Securities and Exchange Commission requirements. ExxonMobil has fought back in federal court in Texas.
“Covering up climate science and deceiving investors qualifies you for federal investigation, not federal office,” May Boeve, executive director of the climate group 350.org, said in a statement.
When Tillerson took the helm at ExxonMobil a decade ago, he was seen as moderating the company’s position on climate change. Whereas his predecessor opposed any action on climate change, Tillerson said in 2009 that he favored a carbon tax and proposed an initial price “somewhere north of $20” a ton. And he reduced ExxonMobil’s own emissions.
Tillerson has acknowledged that humans cause climate change, and under his leadership, ExxonMobil curtailed funding for the Competitive Enterprise Institute, whose energy and climate expert Myron Ebell played down the extent of climate change. Ebell heads Trump’s transition team on environmental issues.
Yet Tillerson has insisted that oil use is essential. He chaired the American Petroleum Institute and once told Fortune magazine, “To say that you’re addicted to oil and natural gas seems to me to say you’re addicted to economic growth.”
ExxonMobil has important relationships throughout the Middle East. It relies on Saudi Arabia for oil supplies and is a partner in refinery projects. It has enormous projects in liquefied natural gas export in Qatar. It has also managed to carry out exploration and production ventures in the semiautonomous Kurdish region of northern Iraq and in southern Iraq, transcending rivalries between Baghdad and the Kurds.
But under Tillerson, ExxonMobil has walked away from other countries. It left Venezuela after contract disputes with the late Venezuelan leader Hugo Chávez, and it ended its onshore operations in Nigeria, where local insurgents sabotaged infrastructure.
Tillerson was born in Wichita Falls, Tex., the son of a Boy Scout administrator. He still lists the rank of Eagle Scout on his résumé and has remained active in the organization. In 2012, he was instrumental in pushing the Boy Scouts board to admit openly gay youths.
The ExxonMobil chief also chaired the $50 million campaign to restore Washington’s Ford’s Theatre, where President Abraham Lincoln was assassinated.
Tillerson has been a major donor to the GOP and its candidates, including former Florida governor Jeb Bush during this year’s presidential primaries, federal campaign finance filings show. Although there appears to be no record of Tillerson’s giving to Trump’s campaign, his wife, Renda, contributed $2,700 to Trump in September, filings show.
Within the oil industry, ExxonMobil has been regarded as the most button-downed company, conservative and sometimes arrogant. But even Tillerson’s critics admire his leadership abilities.
“Rex is a very, very, very honorable man,” Gheit said. “He is smart, levelheaded. He has tremendous resolve and very strong character.”

Lamar Jackson's incredible year ends with him as Heisman winner


 Louisville came ready to promote quarterback Lamar Jackson at ACC media day in July, with a slew of notepads emblazoned with his name and picture placed right next to the school's football guide.
The move was bold and rarer still considering Jackson was about to begin his true sophomore season and had seven career starts. But coach Bobby Petrino felt so strongly about his young quarterback that he gave the go-ahead to begin promoting Jackson.
Among the 28 players gathered, Jackson was the only sophomore. But he never betrayed his age. He smiled but said little, a player known more for his highlights than his sound bites. Still, it is hard to imagine that anybody in Louisville could have envisioned what was about to unfold.
Week 1. Charlotte. Jackson scored on a 36-yard touchdown run on the opening drive. Then he delivered another score and another. Eight touchdowns -- including six passing -- and 405 total yards later, one name resonated across the country: Lamar Jackson.
After that game, Jackson tried to exit the stadium but couldn't because fans swarmed him for autographs. A Louisville official noticed and told those assembled that Jackson needed to get going for treatment, whisking him away.
He asked Jackson how long he'd been standing there signing. "Twenty minutes," Jackson said. He would have kept on signing had nobody intervened, but Louisville realized after one week that it had a phenomenon on its hands.
His legend only grew after an otherworldly performance against Syracuse, in which he had 610 yards and five touchdowns and his signature Heisman moment: the Lamar Leap that has been immortalized by a photo of him in midair with his legs outstretched.
At the following home game against Florida State, Jackson made the Seminoles look woefully unprepared for his skills in the run game. He again piled up the yards and touchdowns. His 47-yard run through the middle of the Florida State defense ended with a spin off two defenders at the goal line for his last score of the game.
It was an almost incomprehensible site: an under-the-radar prospect from Florida making four- and five-star defenders -- many from his home state -- look completely and totally lost.
Knowing a throng of fans would be waiting for Jackson after the game, Louisville officials had him jump into a car. One fan with two helmets begged for Jackson to sign them. Jackson politely declined. When the car started to pull away, the man put one helmet on, carried the other in his arms and ran after the car, screaming for it to stop. Louisville decided in early October that autographs would be off-limits.
Jackson remained nonplussed as the hype started to build. More people started to recognize him on campus, at the mall and in restaurants. He politely smiled but quickly learned it would be best to stay in his room and play video games in the few free moments he had.
He didn't turn on the television to watch his own highlights or hear what analysts thought about him.
"I tried not to pay attention to it, just tried to go out there and win games," Jackson said. "If you fall off, anything can happen. Just got to keep grinding."
There is a reason for that. Jackson grew up with a mom who emphasized character, humbleness, work ethic and drive. He didn't go to parties growing up; he rarely went out anywhere unless his mom approved.
She wanted him to stay focused on living up to the potential she saw in him from an early age. They worked out six days a week, often multiple times a day. He would complain often; she did not care. She coached him and trained him, and she raised him, alternating roles with ease. When anybody asks Jackson how he reached this point, the only answer he gives is: "my mom."
As Jackson dominated each opponent he faced, the question became: How best to stop him? One reporter asked Syracuse coach Dino Babers a few weeks after the teams played, and he responded with blunt honesty: "Based off of our performance, I don't have the right to give an opinion on that."
Florida State could not stop him, either, and neither could Clemson. Although the Cardinals lost to the Tigers, Jackson cemented his name atop Heisman lists with his 457-yard, three-touchdown performance against the reigning ACC champions.
Duke coach David Cutcliffe laid out the perfect game plan in late October, deciding it would be best to limit Jackson's possessions. The plan nearly worked. Duke was the first team to hold Jacksonto fewer than three touchdowns, but afterward, Cutcliffe could not stop raving about the quarterback he had just seen. He wondered aloud, "How'd he get out of Florida?"
Simple, really. Jackson emerged on the high school scene late, after transferring to Boynton Beach High. Then-coach Rick Swain called up a former player of his, then-Louisville assistant Lamar Thomas, and told him he needed to see Jackson. Thomas was sold. He went to Petrino. But Petrino didn't think he needed another quarterback on his roster.
Thomas tried again, deciding his best course of action was to convince Petrino that Jackson was a passer -- not just a running quarterback. Thomas had Swain rearrange Jackson's high school tape to start with the passing highlights. Petrino was finally convinced, and he sold Jackson and his mom on the opportunity to play right away under a coach noted for his ability to develop quarterbacks.
And so the under-the-radar Jackson went off to Louisville, determined to play and start as a true freshman. He did, though he did not fully assert himself as the quarterback of the future until the end of the 2015-16 season. His three-touchdown performance in a comeback win over Kentucky showed that he was ready to take charge. After that game, Petrino sat Jackson down and explained what he needed to do to prepare for the upcoming bowl game against Texas A&M.
They had four weeks. That meant studying as much tape as he could. That meant taking detailed notes about what he saw. That meant evaluating his own tape, breaking down all the good plays and all the bad plays. That meant working more on his mechanics during practice, starting with his footwork.
Jackson, in a never-ending quest for perfection, listened and learned. He dedicated himself to that bowl game, and when he took the field against the Aggies, he was virtually unrecognizable. Jackson ran here, and he threw the ball over there, a sudden conundrum for the A&M defense that it never quite solved.
When the game ended, Jackson had set Music City Bowl records for rushing (226 yards) and total offense (453), and he had his name linked with Vince Young and Johnny Manziel as the only quarterbacks to go for 200 yards passing and 200 yards rushing in a bowl game.
Those who watched the game keenly understood that Jackson was on the verge of a season few had ever seen. In the Louisville spring game, he threw for 519 yards, and expectations for him and the team started growing. Now you see why Louisville decided to promote Jackson so hard, even with 2015 Heisman finalist Deshaun Watson returning to the ACC.
The season did not unfold perfectly for Jackson, though. With a No. 5 ranking and outside hopes for the College Football Playoff, Louisville traveled to play Houston in mid-November. The team and Jackson had their worst performances of the season. The Louisville offensive line could do nothing to slow Houston, and Jackson had nowhere to go. He ended with season lows in rushing (33) and total yards (244) and tied a season low for touchdowns (1).
The collective thought going into the Kentucky game the next week was that Jackson and the Cards would make up for their poor performance against a rival they had recently dominated. But Kentucky stayed with Louisville every step of the way. Jackson had more than 400 yards but fumbled late in the game deep in Kentucky territory. Louisville lost, and Jackson's Heisman lead didn't seem as certain.
But ultimately, his complete body of work prevailed: an ACC-record 51 total touchdowns, the only player in FBS history with 30 passing touchdowns and 20 rushing touchdowns in a season, the only player in FBS history to go for more than 3,300 yards passing and 1,500 yards rushing in a season.
As one ACC head coach mused recently, "He's the best in the country. And it's not even close."

'Rogue One' Premiere Targeted by Pro-Trump Street Artist

One of the artistic interpretations of the elections

"I'd never seen the mainstream media sell their souls for a candidate the way they did for Hillary, and she still lost," says Sabo, who plastered faux movie posters all over Hollywood Boulevard.

When Disney hosts its star-studded Rogue One: A Star Wars Story premiere on Saturday, guests will be greeted by artwork meant to rub it in the faces of liberal Hollywood that Donald Trump beat Hillary Clinton in the Nov. 8 presidential election.
The artwork, posted at bus stops and other locations near the Pantages Theatre in Hollywood, consists of parodies of the poster for the latest Star Wars film, as well as for the Fox comedy Why Him? starring Bryan Cranston, James Franco and Zoey Deutch.

The faux Star Wars poster features a heroic-looking image of Trump with an ominous image of Clinton lurking in the background. Huddled around Trump are his senior counselor Steve Bannon, pundit Ann Coulter, Breitbart News tech editor Milo Yiannopoulos, Fox News host Sean Hannity, Wikileaks founder Julian Assange and Vice Media co-founder Gavin McInnes, an early Trump supporter.
At the bottom of the poster, the title of the film has been altered to read, "Rogue Won: A Culture War Story."

The posters were created by conservative street artist, Sabo, who has previously attacked Leonardo DiCaprio, Nate Parker, Lena Dunham, Cher and other celebrities in his artwork. His typical method of operation is to plaster his creations all over a designated area before the sun rises, and the posters usually remain for several hours before authorities — or offended liberals — remove them.

As for the faux Why Him? poster, it features Cranston, Trump and Clinton in a group hug with the text: "Of all the guys his country could have chosen ... " At the bottom of the poster it reads, "See you in Canada," a reference to the many celebrities, including Cranston, who swore they'd leave the country if Trump was elected president.


It does my heart well to know Hollywood went all out producing all kinds of girl-power movies in anticipation of the first woman president only to have their parade totally rained on by a white-skinned, blue-eyed, all-America loving, pussy-grabbing blowhard of a man's man," Sabo told The Hollywood Reporter.
"I've never seen Hollywood's panties in such a bunch, and it was well worth the price of a vote," he said. "To think: Hillary had just about every facet of the media pulling for her. I'd never seen the mainstream media sell their souls for a candidate the way they did for HIllary, and she still lost."

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FBI and CIA give differing accounts to lawmakers on Russia’s motives in 2016 hacks

Trump pushed back against Russia hacking investigation
In a secure meeting room under the Capitol last week, lawmakers held in their hands a classified letter written by colleagues in the Senate summing up a secret, new CIA assessment of Russia’s role in the 2016 presidential election.
Sitting before the House Intelligence Committee was a senior FBI counterintelligence official. The question the Republicans and Democrats in attendance wanted answered was whether the bureau concurred with the conclusions the CIA had just shared with senators that Russia “quite” clearly intended to help Republican Donald Trump defeat Democrat Hillary Clinton and clinch the White House.
For the Democrats in the room, the FBI’s response was frustrating — even shocking.
During a similar Senate Intelligence Committee briefing held the previous week, the CIA’s statements, as reflected in the letter the lawmakers now held in their hands, were “direct and bald and unqualified” about Russia’s intentions to help Trump, according to one of the officials who attended the House briefing.
The FBI official’s remarks to the lawmakers on the House Intelligence Committee were, in comparison, “fuzzy” and “ambiguous,” suggesting to those in the room that the bureau and the agency weren’t on the same page, the official said.
The divergent messages from the CIA and the FBI put a spotlight on the difficulty faced by intelligence and law enforcement officials as they try to draw conclusions about the Kremlin’s motives for hacking Democratic Party emails during the 2016 race. Officials are frequently looking at information that is fragmentary. They also face issues assessing the intentions of a country expert at conducting sophisticated “influence” operations that made it hard — if not impossible — to conclusively detect the Kremlin’s elusive fingerprints.
The competing messages, according to officials in attendance, also reflect cultural differences between the FBI and the CIA. The bureau, true to its law enforcement roots, wants facts and tangible evidence to prove something beyond all reasonable doubt. The CIA is more comfortable drawing inferences from behavior.
“The FBI briefers think in terms of criminal standards — can we prove this in court,” one of the officials said. “The CIA briefers weigh the preponderance of intelligence and then make judgment calls to help policymakers make informed decisions. High confidence for them means ‘we’re pretty damn sure.’ It doesn’t mean they can prove it in court.”
The FBI is not sold on the idea that Russia had a particular aim in its meddling. “There’s no question that [the Russians’] efforts went one way, but it’s not clear that they have a specific goal or mix of related goals,” said one U.S. official.
The murky nature of the assessments is maddening many lawmakers who are demanding answers about the Kremlin’s role in the presidential race. The FBI, under Director James B. Comey, is already under fire for dropping a bombshell letter days before the election on the discovery of new emails potentially related to the Clinton private server investigation. The emails proved irrelevant to the case. On Saturday, outgoing Senate Minority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) called on Comey to resign, saying the FBI director deliberately kept quiet evidence about Russia’s motives before the election.
With so much of the evidence about Russia’s alleged role in the election shrouded in secrecy because of strict classification rules, Democrats and Republicans in Washington who have access to the underlying intelligence say they have struggled to make their respective cases, leaving an already deeply divided public convinced that both sides are shading their conclusions to help the candidate they backed on Election Day.
The clamor from Democrats and some Republicans for a more fulsome accounting prompted the White House on Friday to announce that President Obama had ordered a full review of Russian cyber actions during the 2016 campaign. The president wants the report to be completed before he leaves office next month. Officials said Obama intends to declassify as much of the report as possible. Lawmakers, in turn, want the review to be accompanied by a joint congressional investigation.
“Only in this way can the American people know the extent of Russian interference and we can attempt to inoculate ourselves against continued meddling in our elections,” said Rep. Adam B. Schiff (Calif.), the ranking Democrat on the House intelligence panel, who has been briefed but did not comment on the information he has learned.
Sen. Angus King (I-Maine), a member of the Senate Intelligence Committee, said the intelligence community’s information needs to be made public “not to revisit this election, but to see that this doesn’t happen again.” Russia regularly tries to influence European politics and elections, “and I don’t want this to be the case here,” he said.
King said he does not believe Moscow’s efforts end with Trump’s election. “It could happen in the midterms. It could be in the next presidential election. They have shown us that they are capable and willing to do it here. For us not to react with the highest level of investigation and preparing responsive measures would be negligent,” he said.
Meanwhile, top Republicans on the committee have pointed to the possible ambiguity of the evidence to question the soundness of the claim that Russia acted to help Trump. “There is no clear evidence — even now,” said Rep. Devin Nunes (R-Calif.), the panel’s chairman. “There’s a lot of innuendo, lots of circumstantial evidence, that’s it.”
At the start of the House Intelligence Committee briefing, the senior FBI official walked lawmakers through the evidence that the bureau thought was credible about Russia’s role in the election, according to officials in attendance.
It didn’t take long for the conversation to turn to the statements that the CIA briefer had made to the Senate panel, making the case for the first time that Russia intended to help Trump win the election.
Previous CIA assessments of Moscow’s goals were more cautious, saying they were limited to undermining faith in the U.S. electoral system. In earlier statements to the intelligence committees in Congress, the agency stopped short of saying the intrusions were meant to benefit one candidate over another.
During the nearly two-hour briefing, the Democratic lawmakers in the room, again and again, tried to pin the FBI official down on whether the bureau believed that Russia had a preference in who won the election.
“It was shocking to hold these [CIA] statements made about Russian intentions and activities, and to hear this guy basically saying nothing with certainty and allowing that all was possible,” said an official who attended the briefing. The official spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe sensitive discussions.
Many of the Republican lawmakers welcomed the FBI’s caution. They didn’t think the CIA had a basis for coming to the conclusions presented to the Senate panel. Some of the Republicans on the House side thought it would have been more logical for the CIA to conclude that Russia preferred Clinton because she was a known commodity and because Trump talked during the campaign of expanding the U.S. military, something Russia might interpret as a threat, according to officials.
At one point during the discussion in the secure room, a Republican lawmaker turned to his Democratic colleagues and said the back-and-forth suggested that “Republicans are from Mars, Democrats are from Venus,” according to an aide who was present, adding: “We’re looking at the same evidence and drawing very different conclusions.”

38 dead and 155 wounded in twin bomb attack near Istanbul stadium

The bombing site while police arrived, Turkey
Turkey declared a national day of mourning Sunday after twin blasts in Istanbul killed 38 people and wounded 155 others near a soccer stadium — the latest large-scale assault to traumatize a nation confronting an array of security threats.
The bombs Saturday night targeted police officers, killing 30 of them along with seven civilians and an unidentified person, Turkey's Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu told reporters Sunday. He said 13 people had been arrested in connection with the "terrorist attack."
Minister Binali Yildirim ordered flags to fly at half-staff Sunday across the country and at Turkey's foreign missions.
There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attack but two officials said suspicions were focused on Kurdish militants.
Deputy Prime Minister Numan Kurtulmus told the private news channel CNN Turk that "arrows point to the PKK." He was referring to the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party, which has waged a decades-long insurgency. That preliminary assessment was echoed by the interior minister.
"We have once again witnessed tonight in Istanbul the ugly face of terror which tramples on every value and decency," Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said.
Soylu said 136 people remained hospitalized after the attack, including 14 under intensive care.
The first and larger explosion took place about 7:30 p.m. after the home team Besiktas beat visitor Bursaspor 2-1 in the Turkish Super League. Erdogan said the timing of the attack aimed to maximize the loss of life and vowed the nation would overcome terrorism.
The civilian death toll was lower because fans had already left the newly built Vodafone Arena Stadium after the soccer match when the blasts occurred. Witnesses also heard gunfire after the explosions.
Soylu said the first explosion was caused by a passing vehicle that detonated in an area where police special forces were located at the stadium exit. A riot police bus appears to have been the target.
Turkish officials said a person who had been stopped in nearby Macka Park committed suicide by triggering explosives moments later.
Authorities have determined that about 300-400 kilograms of explosives were used in the attack, Kurtulmus told CNN Turk.
Forensic experts in white uniforms worked overnight, scouring the vicinity of the stadium and the vast park where the suicide bombing took place. Glass from the blown-out windows of nearby buildings littered the pavement.
This year Istanbul has witnessed a spate of attacks attributed by authorities to the Islamic State group or claimed by Kurdish militants. A state of emergency is in force following a failed July 15 coup attempt.
Soylu acknowledged the country was struggling against "many elements" trying to compromise its fight against terrorism.
Turkey is a partner in the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State and its armed forces are active in neighboring Syria and Iraq. It is also facing a renewed conflict with an outlawed Kurdish movement in the southeast.
Turkey's pro-Kurdish People Democratic Party, or HDP, issued a statement "strongly condemning" the attacks and saying it "felt great sadness and shared in the sorrow."
Turkish authorities, particularly the president, have routinely accused the party of being linked to the PKK and backing terrorism. The party, which had both of its leaders detained in terror probes and multiple elected officials arrested or removed from public service in the southeast, denies the charge.
The chair of the main opposition Republican People's Party also issued a statement condemning the attack.
Ned Price, a spokesman for the White House National Security Council, said Washington condemned the attack in "the strongest terms."
"We stand together with Turkey, our NATO Ally, against all terrorists who threaten Turkey, the United States, and global peace and stability," Price said.
The Besiktas sports club "strongly condemned" the attack and said a store employee was among the fatalities as well as a security official. Bursaspor issued a statement wishing "a speedy recovery to our wounded citizens."
Aleksander Ceferin, president of European soccer's governing body UEFA, and European Union Enlargement Commissioner Johannes Hahn also condemned the attack.
"Violence has no place in a democratic society," Hahn wrote on Twitter.
The U.S. Consulate General in Istanbul urged its citizens to avoid the area in Istanbul, which is also home to a Ritz Carlton hotel.
Turkey's radio and television board issued a temporary coverage ban citing national security concerns. It said "to avoid broadcasts that can result in public fear, panic or chaos, or that will serve the aims of terrorist organizations."